The Religious Roots of Alcoholics Anonymous
and the Twelve Steps
Chapter 29: Reinhold Niebuhr: "Hitler and Buchman"
Here is the full text of the chapter "Hitler and Buchman"
from the book Christianity and Power Politics by Reinhold
Niebuhr, the eminent theologian who authored The Serenity Prayer.
This appears to be a word-for-word reprint of Niebuhr's criticism of Buchman that
first appeared in The Christian Century magazine, October 7, 1936,
pages 1315 and 1316.
HITLER AND BUCHMAN
On returning from Europe, Frank Buchman, Oxford group revivalist,
is quoted by a reputable New York paper as having said: "I
thank heaven for a man like Adolf Hitler, who built a front-line
defense against the anti-Christ of communism.... My barber in London
told me Hitler saved all Europe from communism. That's how he felt.
Of course I don't condone everything the Nazis do. Antisemitism?
Bad, naturally. I suppose Hitler sees a Karl Marx in every Jew.
But think what it would mean to the world if Hitler surrendered
to the control of God. Or Mussolini. Or any dictator. Through such
a man God could control a nation overnight and solve every last
bewildering problem."
In this interview the social philosophy of the Oxford group, long
implicit in its strategy, is made explicit, and revealed in all its
childishness and viciousness. This philosophy has been implicit in
Buchmanite strategy from the beginning. It explains the particular
attention which is paid by Mr. Buchman and his followers to big men,
leaders, in industry and politics. The idea is that if the man of power
can be converted, God will be able to control a larger area
of human life through his power than if a little man
were converted. This is the logic which has filled the
Buchmanites with touching solicitude for the souls
of such men as Henry Ford or Harvey Firestone and
prompted them to whisper confidentially from time
to time that these men were on the very threshold
of the kingdom of God. It is this strategy which
prompts or justifies the first-class travel of all the
Oxford teams. They hope to make contact with big
men in the luxurious first-class quarters of ocean
liners.
A NAZI PHILOSOPHY
In other words, a Nazi social philosophy has been a covert
presumption of the whole Oxford group
enterprise from the very beginning. We may be
grateful to the leader for revealing so clearly what has been
slightly hidden.
Now we can see how unbelievably
naïve this movement is in its efforts to
save the world. If it would content itself with preaching
repentance to drunkards and adulterers one might be willing
to respect it as a religious revival method
which knows how to confront the sinner with God.
But when it runs to Geneva, the seat of the League of Nations,
or to Prince Starhemberg or Hitler, or to any seat of power,
always with the idea that it is
on the verge of saving the world by bringing the
people who control the world under God-control, it
is difficult to restrain the contempt which one feels
for this dangerous childishness.
This idea of world salvation implies a social philosophy
which is completely innocent of any understanding
of the social dynamics of a civilization. Does Mr.
Buchman really believe that the dictators of the modern
world create their dictatorships out of whole cloth?
He does not know, evidently, that they are the creatures
more than the creators of vast social movements
in modern history. The particular social forces
which create dictatorships are on the whole the
decadent forces of a very sick society. The sickness
of that society is the sickness of sin; and if a word of
God is to be spoken in such an hour as this let it be
the woe of Christ upon his Jerusalem or the prophecy
of judgement which an Amos or Jeremiah pronounced upon
their civilization.
THE PRODUCT OF THE QUIET HOUR
There is unfortunately not the slightest indication
that the prophetic spirit of the Bible has ever entered
into this pollyanna religion by way of the quiet hour.
Several times Mr. Buchman has confessed that the
word of God which he heard in his quiet hour was
the slogan: "An international network over spiritual
live-wires," whatever that may mean. In other words,
the world is to be saved by a vulgar advertising
slogan rather than by a genuine priestly and prophetic
mediation of the judgement and the mercy of God
upon a sinful world.
THE MAN OF POWER
In the simple and decadent individualism of the
Oxford group movement there is no understanding
of the fact that the man of power is always to a certain
degree an anti-Christ. "All power," said Lord
Acton with cynical realism, "corrupts; and absolute
power corrupts absolutely." If the man of power were
to take a message of absolute honesty and absolute
love seriously he would lose his power, or would
divest himself of it. This is not to imply that the
world can get along without power and that it is not
preferable that men of conscience should wield it
rather than scoundrels. But if men of power had not
only conscience but also something of the gospel's
insight into the intricacies of social sin in the world,
they would know that they could never extricate
themselves completely from the sinfulness of power,
even while they were wielding it ostensibly for the
common good.
Mr. Buchman has greater aptness for advertising
slogans than for historical perspectives. Otherwise he
might have had occasion to meditate upon the life of
Oliver Cromwell. Cromwell was a Christian in the
real sense. There was a vital Christian faith in him
which is hardly available for a modern statesman even
after the ministrations of the Oxford group. Cromwell
really wanted to do the will of God — and thought
he was doing it. Yet nothing in Cromwell's personal
religion could save his dictatorship from being
abortive and self-devouring. Let Mr. Buchman read about
Cromwell's campaign in Ireland and the religious
pretensions he made for his ambitions there
and learn something of the moral complexities which
men of power face and the temptations to which
they succumb. It might be added that Cromwell's
genuine religion not only failed to make his dictatorship
palatable; it also failed to save him from the
personal temptation to arrogance and cruelty.
The life and religion of Bismarck suggest similar
lessons. Bismarck, who established a slightly more
palatable dictatorship in Germany than Hitler's was
a convert of the pietist movement. This movement was
informed by an evangelical fervor which some of us
may be pardoned for preferring to the sentimentalities
of the Oxford groups. It deeply affected
Bismarck. He was in certain areas of his life a very
genuine Christian. But his surrender to God hardly
accomplished the results in politics which Mr. Buchman
envisages as a possibility in the case of Hitler's
conversion. It did not help God to "control his nation
overnight and solve every last bewildering problem."
The increasingly obvious fascist philosophy which informs
the group movement is in other words not
only socially vicious but religiously vapid. The slightest
acquaintance with the history of Christian thought
on the problem of the relation of the absolute demands
of the gospel to the relativities of politics and economics
would prove its childishness. A careful study
of the gospel itself, particularly its abhorrence of the
self-righteousness of the righteous, would reveal the
danger of any doctrine which promises powerful men
the possibility of fully doing the will of God. They
had better be admonished that after they have done
what they think right they will still remain unprofitable
servants.
The Oxford group movement, imagining itself the mediator
of Christ's salvation in a catastrophic age, is
really an additional evidence of the decay in which we
stand. Its religion manages to combine bourgeois complacency
with Christian contrition in a manner which
makes the former dominant. Its morality is a religious
expression of a decadent individualism. Far from offering
us a way out of our difficulties it adds to the general
confusion. This is not the gospel's message of
judgement and hope to the world. It is bourgeois optimism,
individualism and moralism expressing itself in
the guise of religion. No wonder the rather jittery
plutocrats of our day open their spacious summer homes
to its message!